This study was a qualitative study, interviewing 12 informants, consisting of the 212 Islamic Groups, Moderate Islamic Groups, Indonesian Ulema Council, online media, and academics. This study explored and analyzed the resistance of the 212 Islamic Group against the government in the 2019 presidential election. The fierce contestation had divided the community into two camps, namely the pros and cons of Jokowi. This resistance influenced the presidential election contestation became more dynamic and fierce. This group made militant resistance against Jokowi in the presidential election. The 212 Islamic Group was in opposition with the government of Joko Widodo (Jokowi) in the 2019 presidential election. Finally, this article considers that although widespread usage of the Internet and social media inspire democratic implications to Indonesian political culture, longstanding and deep-rooted traits, such as primordialism, persist within this more digitalized society. However, subsequent development of new digital media also illustrated counterproductive trajectory to democratic values as online frictions triggered ethnic and religious-based regrouping.
The rise of the Internet and social media then had democratizing implications by increasing online public discussion. In the post-Suharto era, the direct electoral system and primacy of television media promoted popular voter preferences that degraded traditional charismatic figures. The results of this study demonstrate that the traditional conception of power relation has historically influenced Indonesian political culture. In its analysis, this article employs a historical-comparative method with an interpretive approach. This article explains changes in contemporary Indonesia’s political culture that align with the proliferation of new digital media by considering socio-political conditions and modernization. However, the influence of the internet and social media use on Indonesian political culture has not been much discussed. By shifting attentions to issue-specific cooperation, this book attempts to fully grasp the dynamics of 50 years of ASEAN cooperation.The development of increasingly accessible digital media has resulted in reasonably intense dynamics of political behaviour and articulation. The way issue-specific cooperation alters ASEAN architectures also remains understudied. Emphasis on static, traditional, and all-encompassing identity has made issue-specific cooperation and its internal dynamics neglected. However, this approach suffers from limitations. Scholars of ASEAN regionalism tend to use ASEAN identity as the main explanation of cooperation among ASEAN member states.
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Yet, in the midst of ASEAN uncertain future trajectories, there is only limited consensus on how to approach ASEAN regionalism.
Despite of its widely acknowledged status as one of the most successful regionalism, ASEAN still suffers from numerous obstacles. This book intends to offer an alternative lens for regionalism studies in Southeast Asia.
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